Elsevier

Social Networks

Volume 29, Issue 4, October 2007, Pages 469-488
Social Networks

In search of a happy medium: How the structure of interorganizational networks influence community economic development strategies

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socnet.2007.02.002Get rights and content

Abstract

Routes to economic development attract considerable attention among social scientists, policy makers, and community activists. Increasingly, social scientists examine various attributes of communities, their members, and their natural surroundings that facilitate and inhibit economic development. However, few empirical analyses exist that analyze the impact of a community's network structure on different forms of economic development such as on industrial recruitment and self-development. Using data collected from six communities in Washington State, the impact of a community's interorganizational network structure on industrial recruitment and self-development is examined. Results suggest that different types of network structures are better suited for different economic development strategies. A certain level of cohesiveness among community organizations and institutions are favorable for implementing self-development projects. However for industrial recruitment, networks that are bridging facilitate more types of economic development. While bonding and bridging network structures appear to be at odds with one another, it is possible for communities to increase both forms of economic development by maintaining a certain level of cohesiveness among subcomponents and increasing the number of organizations that serve as cut-points connecting non-redundant sources of information. These findings illustrate the need for communities and local activists to consider a community's network structure when deciding on an economic development strategy.

Introduction

In recent decades, many rural communities have witnessed an employment decline in traditional resource-based sectors, such as agriculture, fishing, and forestry due to technological advances, environmental awareness, and a deteriorating resource base. This decline in traditional rural sectors often poses a threat to the survival of rural communities as homes and places of work as people lose their jobs in these traditionally high paying sectors and are forced to live and work elsewhere (Brown, 1995, Sharp et al., 2002). In response, many communities see a need for change in their economic base and have initiated economic development strategies to try to recruit, create, keep, and boost local economic endeavors. Recently, social scientists have taken an interest in researching which characteristics of a local community facilitate effective economic development (e.g. Crowe, 2006, Flora et al., 1997, Putnam, 1993, Shaffer and Summers, 1989, Sharp et al., 2002). In particular the concept of social capital, “the connection among individuals—social networks and the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise from them” (Putnam, 2000, p. 19), has received much attention as a causal mechanism that can facilitate economic development (e.g. Crowe, 2006, Flora et al., 2004, Sharp et al., 2002). The recent popularity of bonding and bridging social capital has further stimulated an interest in the potential for network structures to facilitate effective community-level economic development. An argument exists in the literature as to whether tightly knit, cohesive networks (e.g., Putnam, 1993) or loose, expansive networks (e.g., Woolcock and Narayan, 2000) are more conducive for implementing local economic development. Drawing on economic development research (Flora et al., 2004, Sharp and Flora, 1999, Sharp et al., 2002, Summers, 1986) community network analysis (Burt, 1992, Burt, 2002, Scott, 2004), and social capital literature (e.g. Portes, 1998, Putnam, 1993), I propose that instead of being in direct conflict with one another, different types of network structures are better suited for different economic development strategies. To evaluate this proposition, I analyze associational membership data and recent economic development activities provided by key informants in six rural communities in Washington State. I conclude by exploring implications the findings have for studying community-level economic development.

Section snippets

Economic development strategies

As rural communities have tried to increase their economic base, researchers and practitioners have questioned what types of development are most successful and which factors lead to development success. Several researchers of economic development have distinguished between two economic development strategies: industrial recruitment and self-development (Eisinger, 1999, Flora et al., 1992, Sharp and Flora, 1999, Sharp et al., 2002). These two forms of economic development are often pitted

Bridging and bonding social capital

Recent discussions of social capital often distinguish between “bonding” and “bridging” social capital (Putnam, 2000, Woolcock and Narayan, 2000). Bonding social capital is typically characterized as having dense relationships and networks within communities (Taylor, 2004). This is often typified by the existence of tightly woven networks in which members are directly tied to many other members in the network. Bridging social capital is often described as the weaker relationships and networks

Interorganizational network structures and economic development

Bonding social capital acts as the social glue that binds groups together. The network structure under bonding social capital is quite dense. Two typologies of network structures exist that may be considered forms of bonding social capital. At the far extreme end of the dense/loose scale lies the complete network structure. In the complete structure, each organization is directly connected to all other organizations in the community (see Fig. 1 for schematic approximations). Density is at its

Summary of prior research and hypotheses tested in the present study

While much research has been conducted on the effects of social capital toward community-level economic development, less research has been conducted that evaluates the role that a community's network structure plays with regards to various economic development strategies. Using community-level data, the purpose of the current study is to empirically analyze the effects of the structure of a community's associational network on the two economic development strategies: industrial recruitment and

Data and methods

Data for this analysis are drawn from interviews and surveys conducted in six rural communities in Washington in the summer and fall of 2003. The six communities for this study were chosen because they share a number of characteristics—are of relatively equal size (all under 10,000), have similar levels of racial/ethnic composition, and are rural, but vary in amount and type of recent economic development activities. Table 1 broadly describes each community on a number of characteristics.

To

Analytic strategy

The first stage of the analyses focuses on the description of each community's organizational network with regards to component analysis. This is meant to give a vivid depiction of each organizational network before more precise measures are conducted to determine the level of bonding and bridging capital in each community.

For the second stage of the analyses, I examine the level of bonding and bridging social capital in each community by evaluating k-cores and cut-points of each organizational

Component analysis

I gathered organizational and institutional9 membership data from 15–34 key informants from each of the six communities. Table 2 provides the number of informants and organizations along with a descriptive summary of the associational networks for each community. For

Organizational network structure in each community

Here I describe and interpret each community's organizational network structure in relation to the network configurations depicted in Fig. 1. Mayfield's organizational network is large with numerous ties among it various organizations. At the core of the network is a densely interlocked clique (see Fig. 2). One hundred percent of the possible links among organizations exist within this eight-member clique. Mayfield has the highest order of a k-core among the six communities with k = 8, in which

Qualitative assessment of community network structure and economic development

Table 2 provides the number of types of economic development strategies implemented for the two forms of economic development for each community along with each community's rank order with regards to each type of development. For self-development, communities on average implemented 3.84 types of self-development activities over the past 3 years. Rowan's View had the highest amount of self-development activities (5.36) while Davis Grove had the least (2.65). On average, all communities had

Discussion and conclusion

Does a community's associational network structure have an effect on the type and extent of economic development strategy pursued? For the six communities in the current study, it appears that network structure does impact economic development activities. However, different network qualities have a positive impact on different types of economic development strategies. A certain level of cohesiveness among community organizations and institutions are favorable for implementing self-development

Acknowledgements

I wish to thank Andrew Jorgenson, Thomas Rotolo, Don Dillman and three anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on various drafts of this manuscript.

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